Thursday, September 6, 2018

Stability and freedom


:


A spectre is haunting the world— the spectre of authoritarian nationalism. All the powers of old neoliberal order have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Democrats and Republicans, Koch brothers and Soros, French socialists and American conservatives, Silicon Valley technocrats and Hollywood actors.  Two things result from this fact:

1. Authoritarian nationalism is already acknowledged by all world powers to be itself a power; and
2. It is widely perceived as a threat to democracy and the liberal order, only 20 or so years after democracy and liberalism had been proclaimed the end of history to which there was no alternative.

How can we explain this sudden shift in the winds of history? 

If we were to believe the American political establishment, the Washington Post, the New York Times, CNN, NPR and the American and British intelligence services, this shift has been orchestrated by a small group of Russian internet trolls personally directed by Putin.  In this narrative, most people are incorrigible dupes unable to think on their own and easily manipulated by professional advertisers and opinion leaders.  The emergence of the social media created an opportunity for the Russian trolls who upstaged the professional advertisers and opinion manipulators by a sneak attack consisting of spreading fake news on the internet.  And voila, here goes the democracy, courtesy of Mr. Putin. 

The fact that otherwise serious and respectable media outlets stoop to such way-out-in-left-field conspiracy theories tells us something very important – that the professional and managerial classes that form the backbone of the neoliberal political establishment have a hard time to accept that this shift is a response to popular demand.  After all, there was supposed be no alternative to the brave new neoliberal world, so what we see must be the work of some clever manipulators trying to stop the clock. 

However, if we acknowledge that this recourse to illiberal authoritarian nationalism meets popular demand, we are back to our original question “How can we explain this sudden shift in public sentiments?” 

To answer this question, a good place to start is to listen to what the authoritarian nationally are actually saying to their supporters.  Since authoritarian nationalism has established itself in a number of culturally diverse countries across the world, from Turkey, to Russia, to the Philippines, to Israel, to Poland, to Hungary to Austria, and to the United States, and it made substantial advancement in most other European countries, the key task is to uncover commonalities beneath this cultural diversity.  This common theme is the promise of stability amidst chaos unleashed by the neoliberal globalization.  The call for stability frequently appears in messages form authoritarian nationalistic leaders, Putin in Russia, Karimov in Uzbekistan, Orban in Hungary, Duarte in the Philippines, Erdogan in Turkey, and Trump in the US, as well as prominent right wing intellectuals (cf. Jordan Peterson, 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos). 

How can we explain this emergence of popular demand for stability? It turns out that sociology has an answer to this question.  Karl Polanyi (The Great Transformation) argued that industrialization and the laissez faire market economy it unleashed in the 19th century uprooted the traditional social order and social institutions, and social dislocation of a great mass of people.  In response to this upheaval, social movements emerged to counteract this upheaval and re-establish social order and stability.  This resulted in the popular demand for social protections, which socialist and social democratic parties promised to deliver.
 
This argument is the core of current narratives, popular especially on the Left, explaining the raise of authoritarian nationalism.  The neoliberal market model, this argument goes, reduced a vast number of people to the precariat status, producing anxiety about uncertain future and a demand for stability.  The traditional socialist and social democratic parties, which had embraced the neoliberal model, were unable to effectively respond to this popular demand.  This created a window of opportunity for right wing and nationalist parties that offered a promise of stability in exchange for accepting their xenophobic, misogynist, racist and authoritarian ideology. 

However, this argument tells only half of the story.  The part that is left untold is the enormous popularity of liberal ideologies promising personal liberty and freedom in the 1960s and 1970s, which, according to David Harvey (A Brief History of Neoliberalism) was the popular force behind the growth of neoliberalism in the 1980s.  If we take the second half of the story into account, a picture that emerges is that of cyclical changes in demand for freedom followed by demand for stability. 
This tension between freedom and social stability was first introduced by Emile Durkheim (Suicide) to explain variations in suicide rates in different countries.  In Durkheim’s explanation, suicide results from an imbalance of two social forces: social integration and moral regulation.  Too much integration and regulation can lead to individuals committing suicide for altruistic (sacrifice for the group) or fatalistic (despair caused by excessive regulation and oppressive discipline).  Too little integration and regulation can lead to egoistic or anomic suicide, or (respectively) suicide in response to despair produced by a sense of not belonging or being integrated in a community, or moral confusion and lack of social direction related to dramatic social changes and economic upheaval.  While Durkheim’s argument has been criticized on various grounds, its lasting contribution is the conceptual framework positioning societies and communities on a continuum ranging from “too little” to “too much” social integration.

Within this conceptual framework, modern history can be portrayed as a movement away from excessive social integration (pre-industrial society), toward excessive liberalization (19th century industrialization), and then back toward stability and integration (welfare state in the mid 20th century), than again back toward liberalization (the 1960s countercultural evolution and 1980s neoliberalism) and then back again toward demands for greater security and integration (the emergence or authoritarian nationalism in the 21st century).  An important takeaway from this conceptualization is that the political party that senses which way the wind is blowing and is able to meet popular demand for freedom or stability wins the day.  The party that fails to see the change or is unable to meet the popular demand gets kicked out from the halls of power.

The second important takeaway from this conceptualization is that not every party that promises deliverance from the current excesses of liberalization or stability can carry the day.  That promise has to be credible i.e. offer a genuine alternative to the status quo, and legitimate i.e. consistent with fundamental norms and values shared in a society or community.  A promise that is not credible i.e. too incoherent or insufficiently different from the status quo, or illegitimate i.e. too inconsistent or contradicting the shared norms and values has little chance of gaining popular support.

It is clear that the promise of the authoritarian nationalist parties and their intellectual backers is both credible and legitimate.  Their credibility is achieved by offering solutions that are on the opposite pole to that offered by neoliberalism: nationalism vs. globalism, traditional gender roles vs. sexual liberation, protectionism vs. free market, strengthening vs. weakening of authority, closed borders vs. open society.  Their legitimacy is achieved by portraying their positions as “common sense” and “pragmatic” solutions vs. “radical” proposals of their opposition.  This is further achieved by distancing themselves , at least in appearance, from the radical elements within their own ranks, such as extreme racism, antisemitism, misogyny or calls for violence (c.f. Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg, eds, The Far Right in Government: Six Cases from Across Europe).  
Given the popular demand for stability and the perceived credibility and legitimacy of authoritarian nationalism, it is unreasonable to expect that its appeal will wane, especially is no viable alternatives are present.  Neoliberals may temporarily halt its progress here and there, as Macron did in France, but authoritarian nationalism is here to stay here for a while.  The only question is what can be done about it.

The emergence of democratic socialism as an alternative to both neoliberalism and authoritarian nationalism is a promising sign, but it is not ready for the prime time at the time of this writing.  The chief reason is shortcomings in the credibility and legitimacy areas. 
The credibility of democratic socialism is undermined by the fact that it does not offer a coherent vision that is sufficiently different from both the status quo and the authoritarian nationalist pitch.  A cursory survey of opinions published by self-identified supporters of socialism or democratic socialism reveals a wide range of demands, ranging from very moderate and similar to those proposed by mainstream Democrats (minimum wage, protection of social safety programs, ending racism and police brutality), to somewhat more radical proposed by progressive Democrats (single payer health care system or tuition-free higher education), to supposedly even more radical but vague and nondescript ideas borrowed from socialist programs of the past (e.g. nationalization of the means of production).  It is clear that those most radical but very vague proposals do not appear very credible to anyone but the true believers.  As to the more moderate ones, they are hard to distinguish from those entertained by the Democratic Party.  This also poses a credibility challenge as well, since Democrats are widely perceived as the key architects of the neoliberal order who betrayed the working class.

As to the legitimacy challenge, this mainly comes from the historical baggage associated with the word socialism.  Real or perceived failures of systems labeled ‘socialist’ in countries like Russia, Poland, Hungary, China, Cuba, etc. have been significantly amplified in concert by right-wing, conservative, and neoliberal propaganda and portrayed as fundamentally antithetical to “Western” values (free market, personal liberties, democracy).  As a result, many if not most people would dismiss anything that smacks of socialism without even giving it a serious thought.

To overcome these challenges, democratic socialism must come up with a credible, legitimate and clear message that can appeal to a broad range of people.  “Make America Great Again” is a good example of such a message.  It is clear, it encapsulates the essence of authoritarian nationalist message – “people are suffering from chaos and demand return to earlier, simpler times” – and it is legitimate as it affirms the primacy of the American nation.  It is also hollow, because it says nothing what “great” really means, leaving it to the audience’s imagination.  This message echoes equally hollow messages of other authoritarian nationalist parties, e.g. “Law and Justice” (Poland), “Illiberal democracy” (Hungary), or “Justice and development” (Turkey).

One possible message of the democratic socialism is “Stability and Freedom,”   Bothe concepts well resonate with people, but unlike the hollow and vague promise of “making America great again” they are imbued with concrete meaning.  Stability means stable communities and social protections from negative effects of economic development.  Such protections may range from providing universal healthcare that frees families from the vagaries of employment, to safe and livable neighborhoods, and to communities deciding what kind of economic development they want to have instead of relying on the whims of the wealthy.  Freedom means the absence of unnecessary constraints, government regulations, and police surveillance, as well as the ability to achieve one’s full potential and dreams, instead of following dictates of corporate workplace. 

Even more importantly, a message promising stability and freedom offers a vision of a just society that balances these two social needs instead of pitting one against the other.  The concept of balance is well embedded in the political and moral philosophy, going back to Aristotle.  It also offers an alternative to the extremism of modern political gladiator fights in which people throw mud at each other but nobody listens.


No comments:

Post a Comment